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I beni comuni tra vecchi cliché e nuove sfide Il rasoio di Occam

Materialismo e prassi emancipatrice in Alfred SchmidtContro il di regime

La del. In ricordo di Gustavo Bueno (1924 2016)

Le aggressive pratiche di accaparramento delle risorse naturali da parte delle multinazionali tese alla sottrazione di beni alla collettività per piegarle alle spietate logiche di mercato, come il land grabbing, sembrano richiamare alla mente gli idilliaci processi del capitale già denunciati da Marx più di un secolo fa. Di fronte ad un siffatto scenario la tutela giuridica dei beni comuni potrebbe essere una rivoluzionaria via d’uscita da un sistema prigioniero dell’asfittica logica binaria pubblico/privato.

L’ARTICOLO IN PDF

1. I beni comuni: tragedia o farsa?

Da ‘acquabenecomune’ campagna portata avanti con successo dal Forum dei movimenti per l’Acqua contro la privatizzazione delle risorse idriche e conclusasi con la vittoria referendaria nel 2011 è stato un crescente proliferare di proclami ‘ariabenecomune’, ‘naturabenecomune’, ‘marebenecomune’, etc. fino a costituire uno dei punti cardine del ‘ politico nuovo’ ALBA (acronimo per Alleanza, Lavoro, Beni comuni, Ambiente) o culminare nel motto di una coalizione (“Italia. Bene comune”). Il ‘benecomunismo’ come è stato ben presto etichettato sembra dunque essere diventata una sorta di virus che ha permeato tutti gli aspetti della nostra società, diventando il vessillo di nuovi movimenti più o meno politicizzati. Come sempre accade in questi casi, però, quando un termine viene utilizzato nei contesti più disparati può rimanere facilmente preda di malintesi, fino alla desemanticizzazione del termine stesso ‘beni comuni’: se ogni cosa che ci circonda è bene moncler outlet comune nulla lo è. Per evitare di cadere in pericolose semplificazioni è forse necessario fare un po’ di chiarezza, cercando innanzitutto di comprendere se il fenomeno dei beni comuni sia figlio dell’attuale società globalizzata o se, al contrario, sia qualcosa che affonda le sue radici in piumini moncler un passato ben più lontano. Non è un caso infatti che ci sia stato un fiorire di pubblicazioni e dibattiti, sia in ambito accademico che all’interno delle meno paludate assemblee di partiti e movimenti, sull’origine dei beni comuni. Mai come in questo caso il crescente interesse per questa tematica ha dato luogo a una moncler saldi outlet serie eterogenea di significati e funzioni a volte anche in netta antitesi. Da un punto di vista filosofico giuridico, ad esempio, le prime teorizzazione dei beni comuni vengono fatte risalire sia al romano di epoca precristiana, sia alla di tradizione tomistica della ‘Seconda Scolastica’, o ancora, a quella che viene definita la prima scritta della civiltà occidentale, la Magna Charta del 1215 e la sua meno conosciuta ‘sorella minore’ Charter of the Forest, che garantiva al popolo il libero accesso alle foreste e ai beni comuni, fino ad arrivare, con un salto di parecchi secoli, al codice civile napoleonico del 1804, in cui accanto all’art. 544 che definisce la proprietà privata, vengono disciplinati con l’art. 542 i beni comuni intesi come quei beni la cui proprietà o sui cui frutti gli abitanti hanno un acquisito. Com’è facile capire dunque, cercando di ripercorrere la genealogia dei beni comuni ci si può imbattere nei personaggi più disparati, da Guglielmo da Ockham a Thomas More, passando per Rousseau ed, per giungere fino a Toni Negri e Michael Hardt che elaborano una nuova proposta filosofico tesa alla riappropriazione del ‘comune’ da parte della moltitudine, depredata dal sistema economico di stampo capitalistico. Tralasciando per il momento la questione, non certo dirimente, della derivazione, più o meno risalente, dei beni comuni, l’idea di sottrarre dei beni alla proprietà privata per rimetterli a disposizione della collettività, senza tuttavia che essi ricadano nei beni pubblici o demaniali (da qui lo slogan di successo ‘al di là del pubblico e del privato’) e di come tali beni possano materialmente essere fruiti ha dato luogo soprattutto ad un dibattito sviluppatosi in ambito economico a partire dal noto articolo del biologo Garrett Hardin The Tragedy of the Commons pubblicato su Science nel 1968. Tale articolo, il cui titolo è diventato negli anni una sorta di anatema nei confronti di chi volesse portare avanti politiche di incentivo dei beni comuni, occupandosi del problema della sovrappopolazione mondiale mette in evidenza il rapporto direttamente proporzionale tra la messa a disposizione in maniera illimitata di risorse in comune (ad esempio, la possibilità di far pascolare un gregge su un terreno) e la tendenza all’accaparramento di risorse da parte dei singoli fino all’impoverimento delle stesse. Quello che appariva un dilemma insanabile è stato risolto con efficacia da Elinor Ostrom, la quale dimostrando empiricamente come fosse possibile governare i commons grazie ad una accresciuta capacità di comunicazione tra i consociati, ha del tutto sovvertito la tesi pessimisticamente sostenuta da Hardin, con risultati così sorprendenti da farle conquistare il premio Nobel per l’economia (mai attribuito prima ad una donna) e riportare in auge la tematica dei beni comuni.

2. La rivoluzione dei beni comuni: il panorama italiano

Tra gli svariati tentativi di tematizzare in maniera più organica un concetto per sua natura sfuggente e variegato emerge, almeno nel nostro Paese, l’opera da diversi anni svolta da un gruppo di studiosi, per lo più piumini moncler uomo giuristi ed economisti, che hanno lavorato in seno alla Commissione Rodotà con il precipuo scopo di elaborare principi e criteri direttivi che potessero fungere da base per una modifica radicale delle norme del codice civile in materia di beni pubblici. La Commissione, istituita presso il Ministero della Giustizia nel 2007 e presieduta dal noto civilista Stefano Rodotà, si è posta come obiettivo la regolamentazione, del tutto inesistente nel nostro codice civile, di determinate categorie di beni come quelli immateriali che rivestono ormai nell’attuale sistema economico una rilevanza fondamentale. Ben lungi dall’essere solo un mera operazione di ‘aggiornamento’ di una disciplina codicistica ormai per molti versi desueta, trattandosi di un codice approvato agli inizi degli anni Quaranta del Novecento, in realtà, l’obiettivo della moncler donna Commissione Rodotà era molto più ambizioso. Posta la crescente scarsità di risorse naturali come l’acqua, l’aria e i boschi, si è ritenuto necessario puntare l’attenzione ad una maggiore tutela delle stesse mediante l’elaborazione di una nuova categoria di beni giuridici, per l’appunto quella di ‘beni comuni’ che avessero un nesso indissolubile con la tutela dei diritti della persona e degli interessi pubblici sostanziali per come stabiliti dalla nostra. Da qui la definizione, per alcuni rivoluzionaria, per altri, al contrario, dai contorni troppo incerti, di beni comuni come quei beni che esprimono utilità funzionali all’esercizio dei diritti fondamentali nonché al libero sviluppo. A dispetto di quanto si possa desumere da una moncler donna lettura superficiale, non si tratta tanto di una riaffermazione del ‘pubblico’ a dispetto del ‘privato’ in quanto si discute di modificare il regime di appartenenza del bene, quanto le sue modalità di fruizione che, nell’ottica della Commissione, va collocata, al di là del pubblico e del privato. necessario, quindi, elaborare una nuova categoria che riesca ad andare oltre le vecchie logiche pubblico/privato (/mercato) per adeguarla ad un totale cambio di prospettiva che richiede la tutela dei beni comuni nell’attuale società. Infatti, questi ultimi dovrebbero rispondere ad una diversa forma di, in grado di fronteggiare i cambiamenti profondi che attraversano la contemporaneità investendo la dimensione sociale, economica, culturale,. In altre parole, occorre abbandonare quella logica che ha ‘condannato’ il nostro a rimanere ancorato ad un sistema rigidamente binario, poiché, come ha affermato Rodotà già oltre trenta anni addietro, solo gli interessi collettivi e un’impostazione non proprietaria possono far guadagnare al mondo istituzionale una terza dimensione, nella quale si muovono a disagio i cultori della geometria istituzionale piana. La battaglia portata avanti da Rodotà non è rimasta tuttavia confinata nell’alveo delle mere teorizzazioni giuridiche ricevendo persino l’avallo delle Sezioni Unite della Cassazione Civile (SSUU 14.02.2011, n. 3665) che con una decisione relativa alla proprietà delle valli da pesca della laguna di Venezia, ha affermato oggi non è più possibile limitarsi all’esame della normativa codicistica del 1942, risultando indispensabile integrare la stessa specificamente con le norme costituzionali che vengono individuate nell’articolo 2 (diritti della persona, intesa non solo singolarmente ma nelle formazioni sociali dove sviluppa la personalità), art. 9 (tutela del paesaggio) e art. 42 (proprietà pubblica e privata, di cui bisogna assicurare la finalità sociale). Da tali richiami la Suprema Corte esprime l’esigenza interpretativa di “guardare” al tema dei beni pubblici oltre una visione patrimoniale proprietaria per approdare ad una prospettiva personale collettivistica a partire, cioè, dal dato essenziale della centralità della persona da rendere effettiva, oltre che con il riconoscimento di diritti inviolabili anche mediante l’adempimento di doveri inderogabili di solidarietà, economica e sociale. Da tali premesse arriva la conclusione che laddove un bene immobile, indipendentemente dalla titolarità, risulti per le sue intrinseche connotazioni, in particolar modo quelle di tipo ambientale e paesaggistico, destinato alla realizzazione dello sociale, come sopra delineato, detto bene è da ritenersi “comune” vale a dire, prescindendo dal titolo di proprietà, strumentalmente collegato agli interessi di tutti i cittadini. Forte di questa vittoria la Commissione non sembra essersi fermata tant’è che è di questi giorni la notizia relativa alla sua ripresa dei lavori: dismessi i panni più prettamente istituzionali essa diviene “aperta” ed “itinerante”, quasi volendo anche nella forma incarnare lo spirito della tanto auspicata ‘rivoluzione dei moncler bambino saldi beni comuni’. Composta in maniera più fluida da accademici afferenti a diverse discipline e piumini moncler scontatissimi attivisti dei movimenti sociali, essa procederà facendo tappa nei luoghi più significativi della battaglia per i beni comuni come il Teatro Valle Occupato, moncler uomo che il giurista Ugo Mattei, uno degli esponenti di punta di questo movimento, ha definito vera e propria esperienza di legalità costituente.

3. Il futuro alle nostre spalle

Ma se si mettono per un attimo da parte sia l’entusiasmo movimentista degli ultimi anni, sia l’ambizioso tentativo di enucleare un concetto di beni comuni necessariamente agganciato alla tutela dei diritti fondamentali, non si può non scorgere nell’idea di ‘riappropriazione’ a beneficio dei consociati sottesa al ‘benecomunismo’ attuale nonostante la complessità della tematica dei beni comuni e le ovvie diversità di contesto storico sociale gli echi di quanto già affermato da Karl Marx nei suoi scritti giovanili da sempre ritenuti, forse a torto ‘minori’ e, in particolare, quelli riguardanti i dibattiti della Dieta renana sulla legge contro i furti di legna. Il filosofo di Treviri, all’epoca caporedattore della Rheinische Zeitung, incomincia a misurarsi con i conflitti economico sociali che caratterizzano la società tedesca dell’Ottocento come si evince dalla lettura di questi articoli pubblicati nell’autunno del 1842. Con la consueta prosa ironica Marx si avventura nei meandri della giuridica, schierandosi a difesa del consuetudinario dei non proprietari. La forza ermeneutica del suo discorso sta nella capacità di svelare l’arcano che si nasconde dietro il paravento giuridico dove si celano dei veri e propri rapporti di forza tra classi antagoniste. Difatti, la legge che estende la qualifica di furto alla raccolta di legna, fino allora considerata del tutto legittima in base agli usi civici consolidatisi nel tempo come consuetudinario, era in realtà una sorta di grimaldello utilizzato dai possidenti per scardinare il consuetudinario al fine di sanzionare, addirittura con i lavori forzati, il comportamento della plebe che in stato di necessità, a causa della crescente povertà, si procurava la legna necessaria al soddisfacimento dei bisogni primari. L’argomentazione di Marx risulta sorprendente per la sua abilità nell’utilizzare le conoscenze giuridiche a sostegno della propria tesi. Come in un’ideale aula di Marx veste i panni di un beffardo avvocato che riesce a demolire la tenuta giuridica della legge sui furti di legna, evidenziando l’insostenibilità della nuova fattispecie di reato. taglio furtivo di piante). I sostenitori di tale equiparazione, con la conseguente criminalizzazione di condotte prima consentite, affermavano che fosse necessario porre un argine al comportamento doloso che molti ‘raccoglitori’ erano soliti porre in essere: intaccare gli alberi verdi per farli perire e, successivamente, trattare il legname da essi derivato come ‘legna caduta’. A tale obiezione che lo stesso Marx giudica ‘acuta’, oppone un altro argomento difficile da contestare: se si pongono sul piatto della bilancia la salute di ‘giovani alberi’ e quella degli uomini chi è necessario salvare? Marx ovviamente non ha dubbi sul suo propendere a favore di questi ultimi e inveisce con vivo sarcasmo: trionfino gl’idoli di legno e cadano le vittime umane!. Già da tali riferimenti è facile intuire come nelle sue parole fosse racchiuso il dilemma che avrebbe arrovellato, a distanza di più di secolo, economisti e giuristi di ogni parte del globo: la ben nota tragedia dei beni comuni e il suo interconnesso problema del rapporto tra sostenibilità ambientale e sostentamento dell’uomo. Nonostante la costante causticità, Marx sembra ben comprendere qual è la posta in gioco, anche in piumini moncler outlet una questione limitata territorialmente come quella degli usi civici del legnatico nella Renania. Ben prima che i tempi fossero maturi per poter sviluppare una vera e propria co ecologista, egli aveva colto che il rapporto tra natura e uomo non poteva che svolgere un ruolo cruciale, malgrado egli scelga di propendere per quest’ultimo, cosa che alle nostre menti ormai avvezze alle battaglie ambientaliste può apparire come un moncler saldi tragico errore (del resto erano ancora inimmaginabili i danni che la deforestazione selvaggia o le piogge acide avrebbero prodotto in futuro ma erano, al contrario, ben evidenti le miserrime condizioni degli uomini e, in particolare, dei lavoratori appartenenti al gradino più basso della scala sociale). chiaro allora che l’obiettivo di Marx non era (non poteva esserlo!) quello di uno ‘sviluppo sostenibile’ ma di una lotta senza remore non alla proprietà tout court ma a quella borghese troppo idealizzata ed moncler outlet online shop idolatrata, come si evince dalla lettura del Manifesto dove la sua critica assurge a vero e proprio tratto portante della teoria comunista. Quello che viene prima solo abbozzato (la riappropriazione di qualcosa che spetta ai consociati liberamente) viene ribadito con forza nelle taglienti pagine del capitolo XXIV del Capitale sulla cosiddetta accumulazione originaria. Qui Marx intende confutare ab imis gli ‘idilliaci processi’ che hanno caratterizzato l’accumulazione originaria, cioè la tanto celebrata accumulazione primitiva intesa come frutto del lavoro e del risparmio dei lavoratori. Non c’è nulla di ‘idilliaco’ afferma Marx con fermezza, portando alla luce una realtà ben diversa da quella descritta dagli economisti classici (e, in particolare da Adam Smith): il furto dei beni ecclesiastici, l’alienazione fraudolenta dei beni dello, il outlet moncler furto della proprietà comune, la trasformazione usurpatoria, compiuta con un terrorismo senza scrupoli, della proprietà feudale e della proprietà dei clan in proprietà privata moderna. In altri termini, moncler bambino outlet una violenta di soprusi perpetrati da moncler outlet trebaseleghe chi si è arricchito a dismisura nei confronti degli ‘spossessati’. Le espropriazioni forzate delle terre a danno della popolazione rurale e, più in generale, la pratica delle enclosures, ovvero la recinzione delle terre comuni destinati al pascolo a favore dei proprietari terrieri, comportavano l’arricchimento dei proprietari e l’impoverimento dei contadini non proprietari, costretti alla fame e ben presto trasformati nella forza lavoro salariata. Questi metodi sottolinea Marx conquistarono il campo all’agricoltura capitalistica, incorporarono la terra nel capitale e crearono all’industria delle città la necessaria fornitura moncler outlet serravalle di proletariato eslege.

4. land moncler saldi uomo grabbing (incetta di suoli o furto della terra). Si tratta di un processo in forte espansione messo in atto da multinazionali, fondi immobiliari e persino governi dei Paesi economicamente più forti (si pensi alla Cina e alla Corea del Sud) che hanno iniziato a comprare enormi estensioni di suoli fertili e le relative risorse idriche ed energetiche a prezzi risibili dai Paesi più poveri dell’Africa, dell’Asia e dell’America Latina. Ad esempio, solo in Madagascar la metà dei terreni agricoli del Paese, cioè circa 1.300.000 ettari, è stata acquistata dalla Corea del Sud che destinerà queste terre alla coltivazione di mais e altri prodotti da esportazione. Queste spregiudicate operazioni hanno portato alla sottrazione ‘legale’ di milioni di ettari di terreni, destinati ad una forma di agricoltura industrializzata ed intensiva a discapito delle popolazioni locali che avevano in quelle terre le loro uniche fonti di sostentamento. Invero chi compra queste terre non è minimante interessato alla sorte di chi ci vive da sempre che, nei paesi più poveri sono addirittura privi di qualunque documento legale che comprovi la loro proprietà. La vendita avviene in questi casi a livello governativo e dunque all’insaputa dei suoi abitanti che si ritrovano improvvisamente spossessati e scacciati dalle proprie terre mentre i più ‘fortunati’ vengono assunti come bracciati a bassissimo costo nelle stesse. Il land grabbing si può considerare come una vera e propria forma di ‘rapina’ del mondo ‘ricco’ nei confronti di quello ‘povero’. Allo stesso modo, moncler outlet online uomo anche le legislazioni di alcuni Paesi operano contro i loro stessi abitanti con il risultato di favorire un saccheggio di terre e risorse senza fine. il caso della Cina, dove negli ultimi decenni più di settanta milioni di contadini hanno subito gli effetti di una privatizzazione selvaggia dei loro terreni agricoli, destinati dal governo ad opere di urbanizzazione. Un quadro ancora più sconsolante è quello presentatosi in Messico, dove grazie ad una modifica legislativa agli inizi degli anni Novanta è stato eliminato il sistema delle terre comuni (ejjdos), prima garantite addirittura dalla Carta costituzionale, in quanto ritenute poco redditizie, con il risultato di ‘sfrattare’ milioni di contadini a vantaggio di una privatizzazione sfrenata che ha favorito solo investitori stranieri senza scrupoli. Non si può non scorgere pertanto nell’accumulazione di risorse nelle mani di pochi e nella conseguente sempre moncleroutlet-i maggiore pauperizzazione di intere masse, la stessa logica criminale denunciata, a suo tempo, da Marx. piumini moncler saldi Anzi attualmente quegli effetti deleteri che egli metteva in evidenza non possono che risultare, in una società globale, amplificati fino a raggiungere proporzioni, a dir poco, allarmanti, tali da far assumere ad un fenomeno ristretto come quello delle recinzioni verificatosi originariamente in Inghilterra dimensioni mondiali. proprio la e la logica di profitto sfrenato ad essa sottesa imposta dalle multinazionali a concepire l’intero pianeta in termini di proprietà privata da sfruttare fino al collasso. Le privatizzazioni e le ‘nuove recinzioni’ effettuate più o meno legalmente dalle multinazionali dell’agrobusiness stanno non solo mettendo in ginocchio intere popolazioni ma stanno distruggendo ogni forma di diversità, sia biologica che culturale, finendo col trasformare, come ha efficacemente osservato Vandana Shiva, il mondo in un gigantes.

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